Monday, November 27, 2006

I wrote this for school in 98 or 99

Seeing as there is a film out now about blood diamonds and the fact that a former mercenary for executive outcomes is in jail for the attempted coup of equatorial guinea I thought I'd just post a paper I wrote in uni about eight years ago if to possibly shed some light on the fact that, while nobody should have to hire armies, and they are absolutely in it for the money, one might possibly make the argument that mercenaries are the lesser of two evils.


Sierra Leone too bad

Since it’s independence in 1961, Sierra Leone has been in economic and political turmoil. Not that it lacks the rich natural resources that could help it grow into a viable economic player, nor is it a particularly overpopulated African republic; but greed is what stifles Sierra Leone. The greed of those in power, the greed of those who want that power as well as foreign interests, who do as much to undermine political stability as they do to encourage it. The focus of my paper will be to explore some of the factors that have caused political, economic and military upheaval in Sierra Leone.
Sierra Leone was a British colony until 1961, when it finally gained it’s outright independence. Sierra Leone is rich in diamonds, bauxite and placer Rutile (titanium dioxide). At the same time the country is the second poorest in the world (May ’97) . The Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP) under Prime Minister Sir Milton Margai, ruled the state after independence until 1964 when the All Peoples Congress (APC) won the elections, bringing Siaka Stevens to power. Ibrahim Abdullah, in his article, argues that the APC arose from the working class while the SLPP represented the upper class elite. The APC in 1968 reduced the number of members of the SLPP in the House of Representatives through sketchy election petitions according to Abdullah, thereby beginning the consolidation of power and paving the way towards a dictatorship. Abdullah goes on to say: “From 1970, when the first attempt to unseat the government was made by Brigadier John Bangura and others to the alleged coup attempt involving Mohammed Sorie Forna and fourteen others, for which Foday Sankoh, the future Revolutionary United Front (RUF) leader, was jailed, to the fraudulent elections of 1973 and !977, the party did all it could to stifle opposition and consolidate power.” I would argue that the ‘revolutionaries’ made a somewhat tragic mistake, when they recruited Foday Sankoh though; for Sankoh was a militarist with a grudge from being jailed during his first attempt to oust the APC. Sankoh, eventually rose to prominence in the movement and became the leader of the RUF, recruiting unemployed, undereducated youths, referred to as lumpen, who’s political agendas were unclear but who enjoyed the liberal use of drugs and alcohol, according to many critics. Some of Sankoh’s forces were just high school students who’s political ideologies one would have to question as well.
Nonetheless, after more than a decade of forming this rebel force, RUF entered Bomaru in the Kailahun District on March 23rd 1991, marking the beginning of a brutal and tragic civil war. In 1978 the APC declared a one party state, and crippled the SLPP by arresting many of it’s members. Abdullah contends that the actions by Siaka Stevens APC essentially made the country an affair, by and for, the APC and it’s supporters, a legacy that was continued by Major Joseph Momoh took over the party reigns from Siaka Stevens in 1985. Momoh continued with the one party policy, and in 1991, held a referendum in which 60% of the electorate voted in favor of multiparty system, but was ousted in a coup by a young army officer, Valentine Strasser in April of 1992 . Strasser, in December of that same year had other former army officers executed for plotting against his own regime. This action was met with international outrage. Great Britain cut off economic aid to Sierra Leone in January of 1993. Strasser responded to international pressure by legislating a two year transition towards multiparty elections. In February of 1996 the first real multiparty elections were held since 1967,amidst terrible atrocities perpetrated by Sankoh’s rebels and supporters of the military regime of Strasser. Stories of civilians having their hands cut off so they couldn’t vote, were not uncommon. Regardless of the barbarity going on, 60% of the population voted. The SLPP under Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, became the governing power.
Now that we’ve established, to a degree, that Sierra Leone has a very unstable governing and military system, how can they achieve any sense of stability amongst all the fighting? And what of the mines? Sankoh’s forces shut down the Sierra Rutile mine , one of the countries main economy generators, in January of 1995. Strasser Called the Gurkha Security guards, but Robert Mackenzie, the leader of the guards was killed and the Gurkha’s refused to react, as per their contract .
Enter, in May of 1995, Executive Outcomes (EO); a for profit military outfit.
First, a bit of history on EO .
Executive Outcomes was established in 1989 in Pretoria, South Africa. EO offers, professional, confidential, and a-political military advice to ‘legitimate’ governments; the most professional training in land, air and sea warfare; “Peacekeeping (persuasion) services; advice on military hardware (and where to get it) and their own paramilitary services, “in order to create a climate for peace and stability for foreign investment.”
Stability for foreign investment and a lucrative profit were the main reasons Executive Outcomes got involved in the civil war in Sierra Leone. The warring between the RUF and Strasser’s group was definitely not creating a stable environment for foreign investors There are, however questions as to who exactly contracted EO’s services. Some critics contend that the National Provisional Ruling Council (NPRC) of Valentine Strasser hired EO, while others say it was the mining investors. According to an article in the Vancouver Sun, A Thai financier, Rakesh Saxena, contacted EO when he saw his investments in Sierra Leone were in jeopardy of being taken over by the rebels. Saxena paid EO $70,000 for an appraisal to secure the mine that he had a personal stake in, but the operation was canceled when the story was leaked to the press . Moreover, the amount that EO was, or is, to be paid, varies from report to report. It can be assumed though, that the cost of such an operation, lasting almost two years would be, realistically, between 15 and 20mil. As such the hiring of EO was most likely a collaboration between the mining company Sierra Rutile, and the NPRC, offering diamond concessions on the mines.
Upon arrival in Sierra Leone, EO set about it’s mandate, first securing the mines by getting rid of the rebels in Kono (one of the richest diamond resource districts) as well as freeing up Sierra Rutile. They then recruited the local hunters called and started training them to become a militia against the RUF. The Kamajors proved to be a very quick study, and between themselves and the EO mercenaries, they were succeeding in pushing the rebels back into the bush as well as eliminating some of the RUF leadership. However, as optimistic as this might all sound, it doesn’t all happen without a price.
According to a report by a group called Project Underground it is alleged that innocent civilians were killed by the same forces that were there to protect them. In the article the authors claim that EO contracted two of South Africa’s best fighter pilots to rid the dense brush around the Kono mines of rebel hideouts, but when the pilots approached a leading military commander from the NPRC claiming that the bush was so dense they were unable to determine between RUF encampments or civilian settlements the commander just told them to “kill everybody.” They followed his command. Moreover, when the airstrikes were over, all that was left was a desolate wasteland comprising of dogs and vultures, “feeding off the corpses, strewn about the streets,” is an observer for Project Underground, quoted as saying. Furthermore, the fact that EO forces are veterans of the apartheid regime in South Africa is quite controversial, argues Edward O’Loughlin in his report; continuing, “that many are black did not prevent a speaker at a recent meeting from describing them as: ‘apartheid’s attack dogs’
But, while there are many detractors to the idea of having a military for hire, it did restore the country to a level of violence lower than when they first arrived.
Valentine Strasser was deposed on January 16, 1996, by Brigadier-General Julius Maada Bio. At the time it looked like the elections would be postponed, but they occurred on schedule, February, 26-27, 1996. An unconditional cease-fire was reached with the RUF on 14, March 1996, thanks to the negotiating skills of the government of the cote d’Ivoire and the international committee of the Red Cross. After all the election results were in, Bio peacefully handed over the office of government.
President Kabbah began talks with Foday Sankoh on the cote d’Ivoire on April 22nd . They reached agreements extending the cease-fire and began to make preparations to draft disarmament and peace accords. All of these events occurred as a result of a desire by the people to return to a peaceful existence, the cease-fire between the RUF and the EO, Kamajor backed government and the pressure of the international community. However, after the elections and the beginning of the peace-talks, the progress towards reconciliation between the two stalled. RUF’s Sankoh would not continue with the peace process until Executive Outcomes had left Sierra Leone. Furthermore, Sankoh would not agree to the UN demobilization observer agreement that was needed to be ratified by both sides. Sankoh did not agree with the more than 60 military observers, more than 700 troops and almost 300 civilian staff, nor did he agree with the cost of close to $47 million for a period of approximately eight months. Sankoh only wanted 60 neutral observers. These demands must have triggered alarm bells in peoples heads. Foday Sankoh is a strategist as one observer points out: “Sankoh’s primary aim appears to be the obstruction of any intervention that might hamper his ability to regain power.” Then in March of 1997, Sankoh was arrested in Nigeria for carrying weapons.
When EO did move out of Sierra Leone many concerns were raised amongst the population and international observers about the safety of the people in areas where the mercenaries had provided protection. The RUF was well known for committing heinous crimes against the civilians. During the Strasser regime, the members of RUF would regularly go into villages and rape young girls as well as slaughter pregnant women. Particularly in areas like Kono, where the people had grown accustomed to the mercenaries providing protection. “We know the RUF had always eyed Kono because of the wealth of the region and the government should exercise caution about troop withdrawal.” says Kai Bockarie, a 43 year old miner from the region. Komba Mani, a civil servant in Kono fears the RUF will seize the area again to exploit the minerals, to further finance their war effort13 . While the mercenaries on side of the Kabbah government had left, there were reports that Portuguese mercenaries were training RUF and Guinean fighters near the Guinea-Sierra Leone borders. There are fears as well that as the Liberian disarmament continues the former rebels there will sell their weapons to the RUF13 . Aside from the natural fear of the RUF, there exists a lesser obvious fear of the Kamajors, or perhaps what the Kamajors are becoming. Having traditionally been the protectors of the people, they have not made any threats inward, but as is argued in an article by ICG they may pose a problem in the future. As they now have access to more sophisticated weaponry and their ranks continue to grow they are rethinking their volunteer status, and requesting financial assistance that, until now the government and other agencies haven’t provided, according to a report by the ICG.
While Sankoh was detained in Nigeria, another player joined the leader game. General Johnny Paul Koroma, on May 25 1997, after EO had gone home, ousted President Kabbah in yet another of these seemingly endless coups. He went on to suspend the constitution, outlaw demonstrations and ban all political opposition parties. Nigerian forces tried to remove General Koroma, but they were unsuccessful. The United Kingdom suspended Sierra Leone’s commonwealth status in July, 1997. The deposed government of exiled President Kabbah hired Sandline International, a British firm with very close links to Executive Outcomes to formulate a counter-coup, in fact Mr. Saxena is reported to have contacted Tim Spicer, an ex SAS member in the British military , on behalf of the ousted government. The United Nations imposed petroleum and arms sanctions in an effort to pressure the government of General Koroma out of power. Sandline, meanwhile, ships 34 tons of AK47’s to the forces fighting on Kabbah’s behalf. They claim the order was made before the arms embargo was invoked. But we all know that the warmongers among the UN who publicly shook their fingers were pretty pleased that the weapons got to the right side in the conflict.
March 1998, President Ahmad Tejan Kabbbah is reinstated after a bloody battle between the African Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) /RUF and the Kamajor militia.
Since President Kabbah’s return to power there have been several developments. An article in the BBC online news reported that RUF leader Foday Sankoh would be facing charges of treason, and that he could face the death penalty in Sierra Leone . Sankoh’s supporters charge that the sentence is a provocation, but in august 1998, 16 civilians were charged with treason and sentenced to death. The rebels vow to continue fighting the government of President Kabbah. The last report brings me back to a few passages I read while researching this paper; Ibrahim Abdullah poses the question: “How revolutionary is a revolutionary movement, which slaughters and terrorizes the very people it’s supposed to be liberating?” An organization called Human Rights Watch issued a plea to the international community to increase their monitoring of the situation in Sierra Leone. Dr. Peter, Takirambudde, is the executive director for Africa, at Human Rights Watch. What the AFRC/RUF are perpetrating against the civilians in Sierra Leone defies imagination. The AFRC/RUF is waging a war of terror against the civilians. The “international community must take emergency measures to stop the killings, amputations and abductions in that civil war,” said Dr. Takirambudde. “With no recognizable political platform, the AFRC/RUF is committing widespread and egregious atrocities against unarmed civilians in an attempt to regain power…” Dr. Takirambudde states that thousands of men women and children have been murdered, mutilated, amputated, raped and generally terrorized. Besides the rebel forces committing atrocities, the author reports that soldiers on the government side are also committing human rights abuses and violating peoples human rights. These terrible acts confirm
several points that have been brought up in the paper as well as answering Ibrahim’s question. These men are not revolutionaries and they should never be recognized as such. I think the difference between terrorists and revolutionaries, is that revolutions are supposed to benefit the majority of an oppressed population, giving the lower class a voice, etc…while I see terrorists as having a narrow agenda, with no real respect for those who might not share their views. As such, I felt that this paper would be a knock on the mercenary groups, but as the research progressed it became apparent that while every oppressed minority should have protection from the international arena, It’s not going to happen. When the world starts finding there’s a shortage of bauxite or Rutile that’s when little countries like Sierra Leone won’t have to hire international companies to stop the insurgence of terrorists like Foday Sankoh or Johnny koroma.

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